Trump Administration’s Position on the Saudi–Emirati Dispute over Yemen
Dr. Mohamad Kawas – Progress Center for Policies
Policy Assessment
Introduction
Observers are questioning the hidden factors that led to the escalation of tensions between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates following the military takeover by forces affiliated with the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council of wide areas in Hadramout and Al-Mahra. Many are examining whether there is a U.S. role or position behind the crisis, or whether Washington has been unable—or unwilling—to halt it.
Key Facts and Developments
On 30 December 2025, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio held two separate phone calls with Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan and UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed to discuss recent developments in Yemen and broader regional issues.
The U.S. State Department stated that Rubio discussed ongoing tensions in Yemen with Prince Faisal bin Farhan and addressed issues affecting regional security and stability.
Saudi Press Agency (SPA) reported that Prince Faisal bin Farhan held a phone call with his U.S. counterpart focusing on regional developments and efforts to address them.
Emirates News Agency (WAM) reported that Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed received a call from the U.S. Secretary of State covering bilateral relations and regional developments, including Gaza and the latest events in Yemen.
On 26 December 2025, Rubio expressed U.S. concern about recent events in southeastern Yemen, calling for restraint and continued diplomatic efforts to reach a lasting solution.
Rubio added that Washington is “grateful for the diplomatic leadership of our partners, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates,” affirming continued U.S. support for efforts that enhance shared security interests.
No direct evidence or implicit analysis has surfaced suggesting a U.S. military or political role in the recent crisis in Hadramout and Al-Mahra.
Observers noted a cautious U.S. stance, with a tendency to support Yemen’s unity and the internationally recognized government backed by Saudi Arabia.
Despite the seriousness of events in southern Yemen—particularly the Saudi air force strike on Mukalla port in Hadramout on 30 December 2025—President Donald Trump made no public comment, even while hosting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Research institutions believe that, in general, the Trump administration is not focused on Yemen’s internal conflict or the Saudi-Emirati dispute so long as it does not threaten freedom of navigation or enhance Iranian influence.
Although Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi contacted Prince Faisal bin Farhan on 28 December 2025 regarding several issues including Yemen, no indicators emerged of an Iranian role that would alarm Washington.
When comparing the current Saudi-Emirati dispute with the 2017 Gulf crisis involving Qatar, observers recall that Trump took a clearly biased position in favor of the Saudi-UAE alliance against Qatar, accusing Doha of supporting terrorism “at the highest levels” and linking the crisis to his visit to Riyadh shortly before it erupted.
Experts also recall that the U.S. administration was divided during the Qatar crisis: while Trump supported the boycott, the Pentagon and State Department expressed concern about its impact on Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar and called for a rapid diplomatic resolution.
After the Qatar crisis ended following the Al-Ula Gulf Summit on 5 January 2021, Trump and his administration welcomed the reconciliation, portraying it as a result of U.S. efforts. Jared Kushner later claimed Trump personally helped negotiate the deal, although The Washington Post accused the Trump–Kushner duo of having contributed to the crisis in the first place.
U.S. sources place Trump’s 2017 stance in the context of pressure on Iran, whereas the current dispute is tied to the Yemen war and the risk of Houthi exploitation, prompting Washington to adopt a more cautious approach to avoid escalation.
Conclusions
There is no evidence indicating that the United States has encouraged or supported the escalation of the current Saudi-Emirati dispute in Yemen.
The U.S. administration, through the State Department and Secretary Marco Rubio, has engaged both Riyadh and Abu Dhabi and called for de-escalation.
Notably, President Trump has remained silent on the Yemen crisis and the Saudi-Emirati dispute.
Trump’s current approach represents a complete departure from his openly partisan stance against Qatar during the 2017 crisis.
The lack of a strong U.S. position appears linked to the absence of threats to Red Sea navigation and the lack of Houthi military exploitation of the situation.
Trump’s position on the Qatar crisis was framed within a broader strategy of pressuring Iran, whereas the current crisis is fundamentally Yemeni with internal Gulf dimensions.
The United States under Trump maintains advanced political, military, and economic relations with both Saudi Arabia and the UAE, alongside close personal ties between Trump and both leaderships—helping explain Washington’s cautious posture.
Despite Iranian outreach to Riyadh on Yemen, no Iranian role has emerged that would concern Washington.
Unlike the internal divisions within the Trump administration during the 2017 Qatar crisis, U.S. institutions today appear aligned around a single, centrist position toward the dispute between two key U.S. allies.
Final Assessment:
There are no strong indications that the United States seeks or favors the partition of Yemen as a strategic option. What appears more likely is U.S. management of a dispute between two important allies, with the aim of preventing it from escalating into a confrontation that could harm American regional interests, while supporting flexible political solutions within Yemen that preserve stability and limit adversarial influence.
