The Predicament of Muslims in Europe
By Hamza Ali Shah
Executive Summary:
The predicament of Muslims in Europe has been always subject to scrutiny in recent years. The conflicts that have engulfed the Middle Eastern and North African region in countries such as Libya, Yemen, Iraq and Syria have had destructive consequences. As a result, they have fuelled migration, and multitudes of those migrants have opted for Europe. However, attitudes amongst various countries in Europe towards Muslims show glimpses of Islamophobia and suggest a negative outlook regarding Muslims is becoming the norm. This is despite the fact that Muslims have been an integral part of Europe for decades, and most notably, especially post-WW2, the influx of migrants contributed to the restoration of economies via their labour. Nonetheless, inflammatory rhetoric and discriminatory policies are rife in Europe, which alongside exacerbating tolerance levels spell out a toxic period for Muslims. However, Muslims as a community are divided in beliefs and are consequently providing barriers to their own progress. Hence, there needs to be an assessment of the plight of Muslims in Europe.
Historical background:
The phenomenon of Muslims in Europe is not a new one. Muslims have been present in various European countries for centuries. Indeed, throughout the 16th century, Muslims from North Africa, Central Asia and the Middle East found themselves working as diplomats, merchants, translators, musicians, and servants in Britain (Brotton, 2016). This was due to Queen Elizabeth’s isolation from Catholic Europe.
Hence, she sought diplomatic, commercial and military ties with various Muslim rulers from the likes of Morocco, Turkey and Iran (Brotton, 2016). This in turn generated trade relations between Britain and various Arab states, and contributed to the introduction of sugar, silk, carpets and spices into the British life – materials that to this day shape how people in Britain eat, dress and decorate.
Likewise, because of thriving trade relations with Arab and Muslim nations, there was an arrival of Muslims who made the transition to Britain, and contributed to the economy. Hence, as early as the 16th century Muslims were existent, and an integral part of British society and their contributions were telling. Alongside contributing to the labour forces of the country, as many as 400,000 Muslims also fought with the British army in both wars (Quinn, 2014).
Moreover, the introduction of Muslims to Europe expedited in the mid 1900’s. Europe was the third continent that Islam had entered after Africa and Asia. The wave of migration to Europe since the 1940’s onwards was central to this transition. For example, the Muslim population in Central Europe in 1870 was at 0.1%, and steadily increased over the 1960’s, and by 2010; it was 3% (Kettani, 2010). Likewise, in the Nordic peninsula of Europe, the Muslim population remained at 0.1% through the 1870’s and into the early 1900’s, but increased to 3% in 2010, and is expected to continue to rise.
Thus, it is discernible the Muslim population in Europe is increasing, and is still expected to upsurge. In recent years, Europe experienced a record influx of migrants (Centre, 2017), mainly due to the conflicts that have ravaged the Middle Eastern region. As of 2016, Muslims comprised 4.9% of the European population, and that number is predicted to increase, and even potentially could be doubled, regardless of further migration (Centre, 2017).
Hence, Muslims are becoming an influential component in the European communities, and despite the signals, suggesting the intensifying levels of residence will only increase; attitudes towards Muslims in Europe largely remain unfavourable (Wike, et al., 2017)
When and how did anti- Muslim sentiments emerge?
Dismissive and Islamophobia rhetoric first emerged in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s. This originated from the post – Cold War American framework. Various scholars, historians and authors developed the notion that Islam was a hostile religion. Indeed, historian Bernard Lewis suggested that followers of Islam have spread an anti-American and anti-democracy point of view, with the fundamental cause being America’s close association with Israel (Lewis, 1990).
Similarly, neo-conservative and right wing nationalists, including current Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, within this period were disseminating the notion that Islam and its promotion of terror posed a substantial threat to democracies and the Western world (Valenta, 2010).
It is worth mentioning that, the rhetoric that was being transmitted came during the peak of the first Intifiada. This was at a time when across Europe, Muslims were mobilizing and raising awareness of the situation of the Palestinians under the Israeli occupation where the uprising had triggered.
Thus, the rhetoric that followed depicted Islam as the enemy of democracy, inherently anti-Semitic and Islamic terrorism as the preeminent contemporary threat (Valenta, 2010). In fact, a report conducted by a left-wing think tank in Britain in the 1990’s ,the Runnymede Trust, demonstrated that in Britain, starting from the late 1980’s and throughout the 1990’s, the coverage that was distributed regarding Islam suggested the religion was ‘barbaric, sexist and engaged in terrorist activities’ (Basu, 2014).
Hence, the period during the first Intifada gave birth to an upsurge of Islamophobia rhetoric in light of the Palestinian and Muslim resistance to the Israel regime, in what appears an attempt to delegitimize the movement and shape the public views regarding Islam, because of the support towards the Palestinian cause that was generated.
These Islamophobia sentiments were precipitated following the 9/11 events. In the wake of the plane crash into the World Trade Centre on the 11th of September, President Bush declared that every nation has a decision to make, and ‘you are either with us or with the terrorists’ (Foster, 2017). Thus, via the binaries that were generated, Islam was considered the enemy that requires urgent attention.
The events that unfolded on September 11 fed in to the rhetoric that was being conveyed prior, and the first Islamic terror attack on American soil, for many, consolidated the notion that Islam is a religion of terror. Indeed, across America, hate crimes soared after 9/11 towards Muslims. Similarly, the trend extended to Europe. Countries such as Germany, Denmark, Netherlands and Ireland all experienced a dramatic increase in Islamophobia incidents (Allen & Nielsen, 2002).
Thus, Islamophobia emerged throughout the 1980’s and gathered pace with each passing decade. The Iraq War in 2003, labelled the ‘war on terror’, hastened any Islamophobia tendencies that existed. The Iraq War had the intention of ousting leader Saddam Hussein. Despite succeeding in that regard, the vacuum that consequently manifested provided an environment that paved the way for the flourishing of political ideologies, and ultimately played a monumental role in the formation of ISIS and various militant groups, which resulted in an amplification of sectarian tensions across the region.
The violence that ravaged Iraq and the wider region in the aftermath of the invasion led to more labels of Islam as closely linked to terrorism (Gardner, 2016), despite the fact Western intervention directly created a platform that allows such ideologies to manifest.
The violence that engulfed the region carried on throughout the Arab Spring of 2011, another notable period in which Islamophobia increased. Western intervention again proved crucial in generating battlegrounds that allow Islamic militants to prosper, as the US backed NATO intervention in Libya contributed to a gruelling civil war that is ongoing today. Likewise, Syria has been engrossed in a civil war with multiple dynamics including Russian and American involvement for 7 years now, in which the sectarian element was made accessible by Iraq 8 years prior (Gardner, 2016).
Amongst it all, Islamic militants and their involvements is rife, thus fuelling the idea that Islam is a violent religion, at a time when the belief had already escalated. Therefore, in the period of the Arab Spring, immigration inevitably increased, and as a result, Islamophobia sentiments intensified because the waves of protests were viewed through distorted lens of security and immigration (Harb, 2017).
Leaders and citizens alike across Europe considered the mass immigration that ensued during and after the Arab Spring as a threat to security, and the view was that those individuals causing terror abroad must not be accommodated in the Western world (Norton, 2011).
In reality, those migrants were searching for shelter, security and protection after decades of dictatorial rule. The minority of Muslims who engaged in terrorist activities in Europe, such as Paris, Brussels and Barcelona clouded the vision of many political leaders, and anti-immigration sentiments heightened, and were expressed in anti-Muslim terms (Foster, 2017).
These beliefs were cemented with Trump’s appointment, when he singled out Muslims as a major threat. Specifically, the concept of Muslim migration is one that Trump has targeted, as evident with his executive order banning migration from numerous Muslim majority countries. Fundamentally, he was met with ardent support for the cause, with more than 50% of Americans in favour of such a ban (Foster, 2017), which provides an indication into the growing Islamophobia mind-set.
Indeed, the populist right wing agenda that Trump has been so vocal about appeared out the ordinary when he made his political entrance, and his election win was considered an un-imaginable scenario (Healy & Peters, 2016). However, since then, the beliefs of ‘Trumpism’ have advanced, with anti-immigration rage and anti-Muslim sentiments at the centre of it all (Chirot & Montogmery, 2017).
Resultantly, he has mercilessly taken aim at Islam for several years now. The anti-Muslim phenomenon that he has championed is gathering momentum and has made its way across the Atlantic.
Principally, the Islamophobia that has been fabricated over recent decades, and has spiked in recent years, especially with the appointment of Trump, appears to have underlying support in Europe.
Attitudes towards Muslims in Europe:
Whilst Europe has experienced a wave of Islamic related incidents, these are carried out by a minority and are not representative of the entire religion. Nevertheless, due to the actions of a few, an environment is conceived that paves the way for the flourishing of xenophobic and right wing views (Holleran, 2018). Thus, the attitudes displayed across Europe today demonstrate a robust wave of xenophobic and Islamophobia tendencies.
Italy’s latest general election displayed this. Whilst no party received enough votes to rule alone, the parties who received the most votes and are likely to be in power via a coalition, are the right wing parties. The anti-establishment Five-Star movement (M5S) and the anti-immigrant and xenophobic party, the Northern League, together obtained 50% of the votes (Moorhouse, et al., 2018).
This reinforces the mind-set of the Italian leadership and the public, which does not appear overwhelmingly in favour of the Muslim community. In fact, the rhetoric hitherto and throughout the election campaign highlighted the views towards Muslims amongst the echelons of the Italian leadership. The leader of the Northern League party, Matteo Salvini, declared that Italy’s fundamental problem stems from the ‘Islamic presence in our country’ (Fernandez, 2018), which according to him, means Italy ‘are under attack’ and at risk are Italy’s ‘culture, society and tradition’ (Fernandez, 2018). The alarming thing is that he is not alone when he makes such claims, as emphasised by the significant support he and his party encountered.
Similarly, across Europe, reports suggest that many citizens consider Muslims a major problem. A survey that was conducted in 10 European states focussed on the aspect of Muslim migration. Respondents were provided with the statement of ‘All further migration from mainly Muslim countries should be stopped’. Across the 10 countries, an average of 55% people agreed with that statement (Cutts, 2017).
Across Europe, the right-wing agenda seems to be thriving, resultantly, xenophobic views, amongst both citizens and the respective leaderships are rampant across Europe, and depreciating attitudes towards Muslims are a symptom.
Certainly, since Trump’s elections, right wing movements have strengthened in support across Europe and are threatening to infiltrate the political scene. They have already gathered pace in countries like Poland and Hungary where right wing groups have risen in prominence. Similarly, across Scandinavia, right wing movements are thriving on anti-immigrant rage (Holleran, 2018). The widespread discontent alongside the increasing popularity for the right that is escalating across Europe is synonymous with the increasing apprehension shown towards the EU, an institution that promotes religious toleration and rationality and stands firm against aggressive nationalism.
Hence, an increase in right-wing support means migrants; religious minorities and ethnic minorities alike are on the receiving end of negative discourse. Specifically, for Muslims, these approaches are palpable across Europe. Trump has singled out Muslims abundantly and made them a target. He has claimed ‘Islam hates us’ and that there is ‘no real assimilation’ (Beinart, 2017). He has issued statements demanding ‘a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States’ and similarly endorsed several anti-Muslim far right groups, both domestically and abroad. Most recently, he retweeted three anti-Muslim videos posted by Jayda Fransen, the leader of the far right group in Britain, Britain First, without any verification of the validity.
The rhetoric has intensified to the extent it is leading to implementation of discriminatory policies directed at Muslims across Europe. The Slovakian Prime Minister recently articulated that ‘Islam has no place in Slovakia’ and wanted to limit the entry of refugees in Europe (Matharu, 2016). Likewise, Hungarian president Viktor Orban, known for his right wing views, endorsed Trump’s viewpoints when he labelled the arrival of asylum seekers into Europe as ‘poison’ and something that is ‘not needed’, whilst concurrently designating Trump’s foreign policy approach as ‘vital’ (Boffey, 2017) for Europe. Indeed, he ramped up his populist rhetoric prior to the April elections when he affirmed that the ‘Islamisation’ of Europe is well under way, which according to him, means ‘dark clouds are gathering’ (Boffey, 2017).
Correspondingly, in Britain the plight is of the same ilk. The counter racism and fascism group Hope Not Hate, declared that far-right extremists in Britain are preparing for a ‘war against Islam’ (Dearden, 2018), in circumstances that may give birth to an upsurge of violence towards Muslims in Britain.
Signs of such a manifestation are appearing, with a wave of citizens across various British cities recently receiving letters referencing ‘punish a Muslim day’ in which violent acts towards Muslims are being encouraged, such as throwing acid, ripping off headscarves and blowing up mosques (Erickon, 2018).
Evidently, the mind-set across Europe amongst citizens as well as political groups and leaders regarding Muslims is currently cynical. The rhetoric Trump has disseminated as well as the growing refugee crisis has paved the way for populist views to take centre stage, and Muslims are at the focal point.
The mind-set of Muslims in preventing progress:
There appears a sense of alienation surrounding Muslims in Europe, with many Muslims on the receiving end of hostile policies, attitudes and rhetoric alike. Consider the xenophobic wave that has advanced in Europe in recent years as a notable cause.
However, both sides of the spectrum need to be examined, and the character of Muslims across Europe can play an extensive role in the alienation of the Muslim population from the rest. For example, there are multiple prominent streams of Muslim thought, all of which are in disagreement with each other, all advocating differing ideologies and thus fuelling divisions amongst the community and inducing barriers to progression amongst Muslims.
The renowned reformist ideology across the Islamic community is one that advocates the integration of Islam with European values, in an updated version of Islam. Professor Bassam Tibi, a distinguished thinker on the topic of Islamic reform, suggested that all variants of Islam are ‘pre-industrial cultures under challenge in a scientific-technological age’ (Tibi, 1989). He advocates the idea of the Islamic world coming to terms with Western culture, because the religion has an inability to function effectively in light of developing, modern and dynamic societies (Tibi, 1989).
Ultimately, he is highly critical of Islam, proposes a reformation of the religion, and urges Islamist thinkers to convert Islam into ‘EuroIslam’, whereby it encompasses the European traditions of enlightenment, pluralism, civil rights and secularisation, in order to provide integration amongst European cultures, regardless of religion, and to overcome the ‘othering’ of Muslims that has been created (Tibi, 1989).
He essentially speaks out for the liberals and seculars of Islam, who are attempting to integrate into Western culture. Just as there are five pillars of Islam, Tibi asserts that Muslims should adopt five principles of separation of church and state, democracy, human rights, religious pluralism, and civil society, that would ease the process of assimilation without giving up religious identity.
His approach is similar to that of liberal thinker, Adnan Ibrahim, who also pioneers for revisions of Islam, thereby suggesting that elements of Islam need to be considered to pave the way for reform and progression. He distinguishes between certain scriptures and like Tibi, professes that some scriptures are in the process of languishing into ‘unoperationalized literary sources’ with no context and contributing to a static state of affairs for Muslims (Tibi, 1989).
Tarik Ramadan, a prominent academic and philosopher, also asserts the importance of reformation. Just as Tibi referenced the growing trends that are rivalling Islamic thought, Ramadan postulates that Muslims now need to ‘rise to the occasion’ and ‘reform their minds and their interpretation of the Islam’ (Shariatmadari, 2017).
Hence, the thought process of liberals is steered by the need for Islam and Muslims to acclimatise to the surroundings of the globalised and technological world, which for them, includes assessing the relativity of scriptures.
Therefore, the perspectives of reformists and liberals has come under significant scrutiny and the approach is considered an attempt at re-inventing the religion, thus triggering extensive criticism from moderate and Salafist strands of Islam (Abdel Azim, 2016).
Indeed, for moderate mainstream Muslims, religion is integral and requires no amendments. The Muslim Brotherhood are a notable example. Their beliefs are enshrined in extending Islamic law through Europe and the United States. Unlike reformists, moderate strands such as the Muslim Brotherhood adopt the notion that Muslims across the globe should unite to counter secularisation and Westernisation (Hamid, 2016). They advocate autonomy and identity for Muslims, and have attempted to spread their ideology via political establishment. Across Europe, the Muslim Brotherhood has settled in various countries. For example, in Germany, they have significant political acceptance and various Islamic groups in Germany follow their model closely (Farr & Jenkins, 2015).
Similarly, in Britain, the Muslim Brotherhood sought influence by influencing the ethos of British Muslims. This was achieved via dominating several Islamic institutions in Britain such as the Muslim Association of Britain (MAB), the Islamic Society of Britain (ISB) and Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), and thus gaining jurisdiction into what was being transmitted to the wider Muslim population. The intention was to politicise Islam in the UK and ‘educate’ (Farr & Jenkins, 2015) the population into adhering to the Muslim Brotherhood perspective.
Therefore, inevitably, the foundational ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood that were based on anti-Western sentiments, became exposed to the public and support for the cause strengthened in popularity across the UK.
Thus, just as liberals want to reform and revise Islam to facilitate integration in light of the evolving secular world, and indeed increased sceptical attitudes regarding Muslims, moderate thinkers are on the opposing side of the spectrum, attempting to politicize Islam to prevent the loss of faith.
Whilst the disagreements amongst the two escalate, Salafists, who make up the final strand, rise in influence. They are considered ‘ultra-conservatives’ who believe in the letter of the law, in the sense that they try to imitate the specific habits of the first Muslims (Hamid, 2016). There are various types of Salafists. There are purists who avoid politics, activists who engage in politics, and jihadists, who form a minority, but have stolen the spotlight regarding Islamic movements (Hamid, 2016).
Jihadists are driven by the idea of jihad; religiously sanctioned warfare, which in their eyes, is incumbent upon all Muslims. Contemporary jihadists are engulfed in violence across the globe, in an attempt to establish a caliphate, with the most notable groups being Al Qaeda and ISIS. They strictly believe that their view of Islam is the sole authentic one, hence justifying violence committed against ‘non-believers’ including Shia’s and other Muslims, which has significantly strained sectarian tensions across the Middle Eastern and North African region. Likewise, they have penetrated security in Europe and brought carnage to European streets, as demonstrated by attacks committed in the name of ISIS in major European cities such as Paris, Brussels, Barcelona and London.
Accordingly, there is a significant appeal for many European Muslims to join jihadist movements such as ISIS. The strong narrative that groups such as ISIS convey to lure individuals to join their movement, such as the establishment of an identity and the distorted perception of Islam they provide, but with the appeal of establishing a utopian world, and the alleged guaranteed results they will reap, not in this world, but in another realm, via martyrdom, have all proved compelling pull factors (Asim, 2017).
This apace with the growing objectionable attitudes towards Muslim in the current European climate, which fester the very anti-Western rhetoric the Muslim Brotherhood tout, adds to the appeal of jihadist movements, hence the vast numbers from Europe that have made the transition (Asim, 2017).
Essentially, amongst the three fundamental factions of modern day Islamic thought, the Salafist- Jihadists have grabbed all the headlines and contributed to the growing distaste for Muslims that is spreading because of the atrocities they commit in the name of Islam.
Accordingly, there are opposing views amongst all the prominent Islamic schools of thought, thus inhibiting progression and the establishment of an ideology that can be adhered to. Whilst Islamophobia is prevalent across Europe and contributing to a strenuous state of affairs regarding acceptance and integration, the role of Muslim’s appears to be just as worthy a factor. By attempting to implement beliefs that are of sharp contrast to each other, as reformists and moderates are doing, the discord between them has sharpened, and are instead allowing the high-profile actions of militant jihadists to shape the perception of Islam and contribute to incriminating viewpoints towards Muslims.
Indeed, as well as a lack of distinction for an Islamic perspective, there are issues that stem from societal structures in Arab and Muslim societies. Hisham Sharabi in his book, Neopatriarchy: A theory of distorted change in Arab society highlights the upbringing and socialisation of Arab societies and the subsequent effect. He alluded to the ‘dysfunctional’ (Sharabi, 1992) state that overcomes many Arabs. This, he asserts, is due to the patriarchal element that exists across Arab societies, in the sense that there is an ‘oppressive leader’ across all social sittings, such as a dominant father in the family, a teacher at school or even a dictatorial government.
Such formats in society then contribute to reactionary feelings such as the inability to function and significant reliance on others. Consequently, according to Sharabi, the symptoms are the manifestation of a particular mind-set, which then take precedence over rational thoughts. For the relevance of this paper, the key mind-set that will be examined is the ‘conspiracy theory’ element.
Sharabi proclaims that due to the aforementioned societal structures, individuals adopt an approach whereby they believe that everyone else is conspiring against them and they are being victimised, hence constant external blame for arduous situations they find themselves in.
Such traits can be observed amongst segments of Muslim societies today. For example, a recent survey concluded that across seven Muslim-majority countries, 68% of respondents viewed Westerners as ‘selfish’. A considerable number also resorted to adjectives such as ‘violent, greedy and immoral’ (Centre, 2017). Such viewpoints have the potential to feed into the anti-Western rhetoric that is relayed from various Muslim factions and consequently pose barriers to integration and unification, which only fuels Islamophobia emotions.
Hence, the lack of solidarity and concrete perspectives amongst the Islamic strands of thought is playing a part in affecting the predicament for Muslims in Europe, by allowing Jihadists to become dominant. However, the societal structures of the Muslim community are also paving the way for beliefs to spawn which are in alignment with those of Salafists, hence aiding their augmentation.
Conclusion:
To conclude, Muslims have been present in Europe for more than a century now and have made compelling contributions to economies and cultures. However, Europe is encountering a raging wave of xenophobia, with adverse attitudes towards Muslims becoming a major syndrome. The Islamophobia that commenced from the 1980’s, carrying on throughout the first Intifada, 9/11, the Iraq War, the Arab Spring and then solidified by Trump, has now advanced from dissenting discourse to discriminatory policies. This coupled with the wave of terror attacks that have encircled Europe in recent years and the growing number of migrants have reinforced negative approaches towards Muslims. Notwithstanding, prominent Islamic schools of thoughts such as reformists and moderates are attempting to establish their versions and their interpretations of the rightful regulations of Muslims but are in disagreement regarding fundamental Islamic beliefs. As a result, Salafist- Jihadists and their violent acts have gained all the headlines in recent years and been a monumental factor in provoking Islamophobia rhetoric. Hence, the basic duty of Muslims in regards to amending the cultural, behavioural and social aspects of Muslims are being overshadowed by attempts at reforming and politicizing the religion, whilst the literal interpretation is distorted and implemented and concurrently encouraging violence. Meanwhile, Muslims continue to be cast in negative light, Islamophobia sentiments increment and Islamic acceptance becomes problematic in Europe.
Bibliography
Abdel Azim, M., 2016. Cairo Review of Global Affairs. [Online]
Available at: https://www.thecairoreview.com/midan/the-islam-of-bassam-tibi/
[Accessed Thursday March 2018].
Allen, C. & Nielsen, J. S., 2002. Summary Report on Islamophobia in the EU after 2001, Vienna: University of Birmingham.
Asim, Q., 2017. Independent. [Online]
Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/barcelona-spain-terrorism-young-european-muslims-joining-isis-a7903026.html
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Basu, T., 2014. The Atlantic. [Online]
Available at: https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2014/10/is-islamophobia-real-maher-harris-aslan/381411/
[Accessed Tuesday March 2018].
Beinart, P., 2017. The Atlantic. [Online]
Available at: https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/11/trumps-anti-muslim-retweets-shouldnt-surprise-you/547031/
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Boffey, D., 2017. Guardian. [Online]
Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/18/orban-claims-hungary-is-last-bastion-against-islamisation-of-europe
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Brotton, J., 2016. BBC. [Online]
Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-35843991
[Accessed Wednesday March 2018].
Centre, P. R., 2017. Muslims and Islam. [Online]
Available at: http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/08/09/muslims-and-islam-key-findings-in-the-u-s-and-around-the-world/
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Centre, P. R., 2017. Pew Research Centre. [Online]
Available at: http://www.pewforum.org/2017/11/29/europes-growing-muslim-population/
[Accessed Thursday March 2018].
Chirot, D. & Montogmery, S. L., 2017. Huffington Post. [Online]
Available at: https://www.huffingtonpost.com/daniel-chirot/trumpism-the-symptom-of-s_b_8178058.html
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Cutts, D., 2017. Chatham House. [Online]
Available at: https://www.chathamhouse.org/expert/comment/what-do-europeans-think-about-muslim-immigration
[Accessed Thursday March 2018].
Dearden, L., 2018. Independent. [Online]
Available at: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/far-right-war-islam-hope-not-hate-britain-first-tommy-robinson-national-action-a8235556.html
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Erickon, A., 2018. Washington Post. [Online]
Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2018/03/13/weird-anonymous-letters-urge-people-to-punish-muslims-by-bombing-mosques-nuking-mecca/?utm_term=.409d210d111b
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Farr, C. & Jenkins, S. J., 2015. Muslim Brotherhood Review: Main Findings. [Online]
Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/486932/Muslim_Brotherhood_Review_Main_Findings.pdf
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Fernandez, B., 2018. Middle East Eye. [Online]
Available at: http://www.middleeasteye.net/columns/elections-migrants-and-fascist-renaissance-italy-113407861
[Accessed Thursday March 2018].
Foster, P., 2017. Telegraph. [Online]
Available at: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/12/12/rise-islamophobia-europe-can-deal/
[Accessed Tuesday March 2018].
Gardner, D., 2016. Financial Times. [Online]
Available at: https://www.ft.com/content/1353c1d8-4298-11e6-b22f-79eb4891c97d
[Accessed Wednesday March 2018].
Hamid, S., 2016. Brookings Institute. [Online]
Available at: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/markaz/2016/07/15/islamism-salafism-and-jihadism-a-primer/
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Harb, A., 2017. Middle East Eye. [Online]
Available at: http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/analysis-islamophobia-political-divisions-threaten-arab-american-identity-1512598479
[Accessed Wednesday March 2018].
Healy, P. & Peters, J. W., 2016. New York Times. [Online]
Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/10/us/politics/donald-trump-election-reaction.html
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Holleran, M., 2018. The New Republic. [Online]
Available at: https://newrepublic.com/article/147102/opportunistic-rise-europes-far-right
[Accessed Thursday March 2018].
Kettani, H., 2010. Muslim Population in Europe. International Journal of Environmental Science and Development, 2(1), pp. 154-164.
Lewis, B., 1990. The roots of Muslim rage. The Atlantic, 233(3), pp. 47-58.
Matharu, H., 2016. Independent. [Online]
Available at: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/islam-has-no-place-in-this-country-says-slovakian-prime-minister-weeks-before-it-takes-over-eu-a7052506.html
[Accessed Friday March 2018].
Moorhouse, L.-S., Clarke, H. & McKirdy, E., 2018. CNN. [Online]
Available at: https://edition.cnn.com/2018/03/05/europe/italy-elections-intl/index.html
[Accessed Thursday March 2018].
Norton, P., 2011. Open Democracy. [Online]
Available at: https://www.opendemocracy.net/paul-norton/islamophobia-and-arab-spring
[Accessed Wednesday March 2018].
Quinn, B., 2014. Guardian. [Online]
Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/aug/02/muslim-soldiers-first-world-war
[Accessed Thursday March 2018].
Sharabi, H., 1992. Neopatriarchy: A Theory of Distorted Change in Arab Society. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Shariatmadari, D., 2017. Guardian. [Online]
Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/feb/28/tariq-ramadan-muslims-need-to-reform-their-minds
[Accessed Thursday March 2018].
Tibi, B., 1989. The Crisis of Modern Islam: A Preindustrial Culture in the Scientific-Technological Age. 1st ed. Utah: Utah Univerity Press.
Valenta, M., 2010. Open Democracy. [Online]
Available at: https://www.opendemocracy.net/markha-valenta/success-of-islamophobia
[Accessed Tuesday March 2018].
