Egypt–Saudi Arabia: A Debate Over the Arab League Headquarters and Its Secretary-General
Dr. Mohamad kawas, Progress Center for Policies
Policy Paper
Executive Summary:
The debate does not stem from official positions between Egypt and Saudi Arabia but rather circulates on social media, which often reflects tensions between the two countries.
Egyptian parliamentary sources have called for a “rational consideration” of transferring the Arab League headquarters to Riyadh and appointing a Saudi Secretary-General.
Egypt has rejected the idea of relinquishing the League, defending its rightful role based on geographic location and demographic weight.
This debate is not new; other Arab countries have previously challenged Egypt’s monopoly over the headquarters and the Secretary-General position.
Introduction:
As the term of the current Secretary-General of the Arab League nears its end, media outlets have highlighted a growing debate among Egypt and several Arab countries—particularly Saudi Arabia—over Egypt’s longstanding hold on the League’s headquarters and leadership. Some are now calling for the post to be rotated and for the headquarters to be relocated to Riyadh. Though Cairo and Riyadh have remained officially silent, this “remote debate” is playing out on social media platforms in both countries.
An Egyptian Candidate to Succeed Aboul Gheit:
There have been no formal statements from Egyptian or Saudi authorities signaling a dispute over the Arab League’s future leadership. However, social media has seen increased discourse on whether the headquarters should be moved to Saudi Arabia and whether the next Secretary-General should be Saudi—or perhaps both.
This discussion has been fueled by the impending end of Ahmed Aboul Gheit’s second term, and reports suggesting he does not wish to continue. Although the League’s headquarters has always been in Cairo and it is customary for the Secretary-General to be from the host country, this tradition is not legally binding.
Egyptian diplomatic sources noted that Cairo has floated the name of current Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly as a potential candidate—marking a precedent, as all previous Secretaries-General have been former foreign ministers. Media leaks also reported that Foreign Minister Badr Abdel Aaty and former Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry were also considered.
The debate, particularly as seen on social media, reportedly reflects a growing regional sentiment in favor of rotation. Some sources suggest Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, are pushing for one of their own to assume the position. Allegedly, Egyptian reluctance to nominate Shoukry stemmed from Gulf objections to his candidacy. Madbouly, by contrast, is viewed as a neutral figure without a contentious history in Arab capitals.
During the 2016 election, Qatar nominated its own candidate, but Egypt backed Aboul Gheit, who won and remains in office until September 2025.
The Arab League, founded in March 1945, has always had its headquarters in Cairo, as per Article 10 of its charter. Though the Council may convene elsewhere, any official relocation would require amending the Charter. The headquarters was temporarily moved to Tunis after Egypt signed the peace treaty with Israel in 1979 but returned to Cairo in 1990.
Except for Tunisian Secretary-General Chedli Klibi (1979–1990), all Arab League Secretaries-General have been Egyptian.
A New Gulf Climate:
Observers note that both Qatar and Saudi Arabia now aspire to have one of their own as the next Secretary-General, and are working to rally Arab support for their preferred candidate.
This is supported by voices from within Qatar and Saudi Arabia calling not only for the relocation of the League’s headquarters to Riyadh but also for a Saudi or Qatari Secretary-General. These advocates cite Saudi Arabia’s growing regional leadership role, exemplified by its lobbying of the U.S. to lift sanctions on Syria and its high-profile hosting of international summits like Trump’s 2017 visit.
The social media debate reflects deeper tensions between Cairo and Riyadh on multiple fronts, now manifesting in the League’s leadership question. According to informed sources, if Riyadh fails to secure the top post, it may push for a Saudi Deputy Secretary-General with expanded powers. Despite these rumors, Saudi Arabia has not officially nominated a candidate or publicly stated its demands.
Qatar, Sudan, and Algeria’s Past Challenges:
While there have been no official Saudi or Qatari statements regarding moving the headquarters or nominating a candidate, the idea of challenging Egypt’s hold is not new. In 2011, Qatar and Sudan tried to break the Egyptian monopoly by nominating Abdul Rahman Al-Attiyah to succeed Amr Moussa. However, Arab consensus ultimately settled on Egypt’s nominee, Nabil Elaraby, after Mustafa El Fiqi failed to secure broad support.
Qatar also voiced clear objections in 2016 to Aboul Gheit’s candidacy due to his ties with the Mubarak regime but later acquiesced “for Arab unity.”
Tensions also flared between Egypt and Algeria. In 2016, Algeria criticized Egypt’s dominance, describing the post as a de facto “second foreign ministry.” In 2021, Algerian media accused Egypt of monopolizing the League and weakening its effectiveness. At the 2022 Algiers summit, Algeria proposed reforms that would decouple the Secretary-General’s nationality from the host country—reigniting debate over Egypt’s role.
An Egyptian-Egyptian Debate:
The controversy was intensified by the surprising comments of Emad Gad, Deputy Director of the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies and a member of Egypt’s parliament. On social media, Gad called for relocating the Arab League headquarters to Saudi Arabia and appointing a Saudi Secretary-General. He argued this would be a “logical and beneficial” decision, noting the historical origin of Arab peoples from the Arabian Peninsula and current geopolitical dynamics.
His comments, while seen by some as a trial balloon for negotiations, were met with harsh backlash in Egypt.
Responses ranged from concerns about “Arab identity and unity” to warnings that such a move would diminish Egypt’s leadership role and suggest that it is an outsider to Arabism. Others emphasized Egypt’s cultural and political depth, insisting that the Secretary-General must come from a nation with genuine historical influence—not from one seen as a Western political product.
Former Secretary-General Amr Moussa warned against attempts to sow discord between Egypt and Saudi Arabia, calling for restraint and a rejection of misleading social media campaigns aimed at straining bilateral ties. He affirmed that Egypt–Saudi Arabia relations remain a cornerstone of the Arab world.
Is Adel Al-Jubeir a Candidate?
Some unofficial Saudi sources claim Riyadh is sounding out Arab countries on nominating Adel Al-Jubeir for Secretary-General. Saudi media has framed this as part of a quiet standoff between Cairo and Riyadh.
Saudi writer Obeid Al-Ayed called for an end to Egypt’s “monopoly” over the post, urging instead the appointment of “distinguished Arab political minds.” He praised Al-Jubeir as a qualified and articulate leader deserving of broad Arab support.
Saudi columnist Khalid Al-Dakhil echoed this sentiment, stating that Egypt’s bid to extend Aboul Gheit’s term follows a tradition dating back to 1945—but that it’s time to retire this “outdated” practice.
I. Conclusions:
A shifting Arab balance of power: The push by Gulf countries—especially Saudi Arabia and Qatar—for a rotating Secretary-General and relocating the League reflects a broader desire to redefine leadership in the Arab system amid rising Gulf influence.
No official rift yet, but a clear new political mood: Official silence suggests a desire to avoid escalation, but the debate on social media points to an emerging form of “soft diplomacy” testing public opinion.
Egypt sees the League as core to its regional role: Egypt’s rejection of any change to the status quo highlights its recognition of the League as a key pillar of its regional and diplomatic clout.
Gulf demands are not new, but now more coordinated: Previous efforts by countries like Qatar, Algeria, and Sudan lacked momentum; today’s Gulf initiative appears more organized and backed by shifting regional dynamics.
Diverging Egyptian opinions on strategy: Figures like Emad Gad reveal internal Egyptian debate on whether to resist Gulf demands outright or explore compromises.
No unified Arab consensus on a non-Egyptian candidate: Despite Gulf ambitions, no clear consensus has yet emerged around an alternative figure, leaving the door open for maintaining the status quo or negotiating transitional arrangements.
II. Recommendations:
Launch a comprehensive Arab dialogue on League reform: Rather than competing over the headquarters or the Secretary-General, a structured conversation on institutional reform and rotational leadership mechanisms is needed.
Establish a rotational mechanism for the Secretary-General post: Introduce a rotation among major Arab states, decoupled from the host country, while preserving the unity and continuity of the League.
Strengthen the League’s institutional role over personal influence: Focus on building the League’s effectiveness as a regional body, regardless of who leads it, to prevent politicization of the post.
Enhance Egypt–Saudi coordination to contain tensions: Strengthen communication between Cairo and Riyadh to prevent escalation and manage sensitive issues that affect leadership and symbolism.
Avoid reciprocal media escalation: Moderate media discourse in both Egypt and the Gulf to prevent damaging bilateral ties, avoid personalization, and focus on shared strategic interests.
Differentiate legitimate reform calls from political maneuvering: Respond constructively to sincere reform efforts, while remaining vigilant against efforts to politicize or instrumentalize such calls.
Encourage a pragmatic Egyptian approach: Cairo should reassess its stance in light of regional shifts, maintaining its core interests while remaining open to new formulas that preserve its leadership role without insisting on exclusivity.